International Women’s Day (IWD) is a globally recognized celebration of the social, economic, cultural, and political achievements of women. Observed annually on March 8, IWD is a significant occasion that highlights the progress made toward gender equality and also recognizes the challenges that remain. The day serves as a call to action for accelerating gender parity and fostering an inclusive society where women can thrive. Over the years, International Women’s Day has evolved into a global movement, supported by governments, organizations, and individuals who strive for gender justice and empowerment.
History of International Women’s Day
Origins in the Early 20th Century
International Women’s Day has its roots in the early labor movements of the 20th century. The concept emerged from the struggles of working-class women who were fighting for better wages, working conditions, and voting rights. The earliest Women’s Day observance took place on February 28, 1909, in the United States, organized by the Socialist Party of America to honor a 1908 garment workers’ strike in New York.
Role of Socialist and Feminist Movements
The idea of a dedicated International Women’s Day was first proposed by Clara Zetkin, a German feminist and socialist, at the 1910 International Socialist Women’s Conference in Copenhagen. Zetkin’s proposal was unanimously accepted, and the first official International Women’s Day was observed on March 19, 1911, in countries such as Austria, Denmark, Germany, and Switzerland.
A pivotal moment occurred in 1917 when Russian women went on strike for “Bread and Peace” in response to the hardships caused by World War I. Their protest led to significant political changes, including the granting of voting rights to women in Russia. The date of their strike, March 8, later became the globally recognized date for International Women’s Day.
Women’s rights movement
women’s rights movement, diverse social movement, largely based in the United States, that in the 1960s and ’70s sought equal rights and opportunities and greater personal freedom for women. It coincided with and is recognized as part of the “second wave” of feminism. While the first-wave feminism of the 19th and early 20th centuries focused on women’s legal rights, especially the right to vote (see women’s suffrage), the second-wave feminism of the women’s rights movement touched on every area of women’s experience—including politics, work, the family, and sexuality. Organized activism by and on behalf of women continued through the third and fourth waves of feminism from the mid-1990s and the early 2010s, respectively. For more discussion of historical and contemporary feminists and the women’s movements they inspired.
Prologue to a social movement
In the aftermath of World War II, the lives of women in developed countries changed dramatically. Household technology eased the burdens of homemaking, life expectancies increased dramatically, and the growth of the service sector opened up thousands of jobs not dependent on physical strength. Despite these socioeconomic transformations, cultural attitudes (especially concerning women’s work) and legal precedents still reinforced sexual inequalities. An articulate account of the oppressive effects of prevailing notions of femininity appeared in Le Deuxième Sexe (1949; The Second Sex), by the French writer and philosopher Simone de Beauvoir. It became a worldwide best seller and raised feminist consciousness by stressing that liberation for women was liberation for men too.
The first public indication that change was imminent came with women’s reaction to the 1963 publication of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique. Friedan spoke of the problem that “lay buried, unspoken” in the mind of the suburban housewife: utter boredom and lack of fulfillment. Women who had been told that they had it all—nice houses, lovely children, responsible husbands—were deadened by domesticity, she said, and they were too socially conditioned to recognize their own desperation. The Feminine Mystique was an immediate best seller. Friedan had struck a chord.

Reformers and revolutionaries
Initially, women energized by Friedan’s book joined with government leaders and union representatives who had been lobbying the federal government for equal pay and for protection against employment discrimination. By June 1966 they had concluded that polite requests were insufficient. They would need their own national pressure group—a women’s equivalent of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). With this, the National Organization for Women (NOW) was born.
The organization was not an instant success. By the end of its second year, NOW had just 1,035 members and was racked by ideological divisions. When the group tried to write a Bill of Rights for Women, it found consensus on six measures essential to ensuring women’s equality: enforcement of laws banning employment discrimination; maternity leave rights; child-care centres that could enable mothers to work; tax deductions for child-care expenses; equal and unsegregated education; and equal job-training opportunities for poor women.
Two other measures stirred enormous controversy: one demanded immediate passage of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution (to ensure equality of rights, regardless of sex), and the other demanded greater access to contraception and abortion. When NOW threw its support behind passage of the ERA, the United Auto Workers union—which had been providing NOW with office space—withdrew its support, because the ERA would effectively prohibit protective labour legislation for women. When some NOW members called for repeal of all abortion laws, other members left the fledgling organization, convinced that this latest action would undermine their struggles against economic and legal discrimination.
NOW’s membership was also siphoned off from the left. Impatient with a top-heavy traditional organization, activists in New York City, where half of NOW’s membership was located, walked out. Over the next two years, as NOW struggled to establish itself as a national organization, more radical women’s groups were formed by female antiwar, civil rights, and leftist activists who had grown disgusted by the New Left’s refusal to address women’s concerns. Ironically, sexist attitudes had pervaded 1960s radical politics, with some women being exploited or treated unequally within those movements. In 1964, for example, when a woman’s resolution was brought up at a Student Nonviolent Coordination Committee (SNCC) conference, Stokely Carmichael flippantly cut off all debate: “The only position for women in SNCC is prone.”
While NOW focused on issues of women’s rights, the more radical groups pursued the broader themes of women’s liberation. Although they lacked the kind of coherent national structure NOW had formed, liberation groups sprang up in Chicago, Toronto, Seattle, Detroit, and elsewhere. Suddenly, the women’s liberation movement was everywhere—and nowhere. It had no officers, no mailing address, no printed agenda. What it did have was attitude. In September 1968 activists converged on Atlantic City, New Jersey, to protest the image of womanhood conveyed by the Miss America Pageant. In February 1969 one of the most radical liberation groups, the Redstockings, published its principles as “The Bitch Manifesto.” Based in New York City, the Redstockings penned the movement’s first analysis of the politics of housework, held the first public speak-out on abortion, and helped to develop the concept of “consciousness-raising” groups—rap sessions to unravel how sexism might have coloured their lives. The Redstockings also held speak-outs on rape to focus national attention on the problem of violence against women, including domestic violence.
Responding to these diverse interests, NOW called the Congress to Unite Women, which drew more than 500 feminists to New York City in November 1969. The meeting was meant to establish common ground between the radical and moderate wings of the women’s rights movement, but it was an impossible task. Well-dressed professionals convinced that women needed to reason with men could not unite with wild-haired radicals whose New Left experience had soured them on polite discourse with “the enemy.” NOW’s leadership seemed more comfortable lobbying politicians in Washington or corresponding with NASA about the exclusion of women from the astronaut program, while the young upstarts preferred disrupting legislative committee hearings. NOW leaders were looking for reform. The more radical women were plotting a revolution.
Official Recognition by the United Nations
The United Nations (UN) officially recognized International Women’s Day in 1977, encouraging member states to observe the day in support of women’s rights and global peace. Since then, the UN has played a key role in promoting gender equality through themes, campaigns, and global initiatives aimed at empowering women.
Evolution Over the Decades
Since its inception, International Women’s Day has evolved from a socialist and labor movement event into a global day of recognition and advocacy. Over the decades, it has become a platform to address a wide range of gender issues, from education and employment to political participation and reproductive rights.
Objectives of International Women’s Day
1. Promoting Gender Equality
One of the primary goals of International Women’s Day is to promote gender equality in all spheres of life. Despite progress, women still face gender-based discrimination in many areas, including the workplace, politics, and education. IWD aims to create awareness and encourage action to bridge these gaps.
2. Advocating for Women’s Rights
IWD serves as a reminder of the importance of upholding women’s rights, including access to education, healthcare, and legal protection. It calls for an end to discrimination, workplace harassment, and gender-based violence.
3. Economic, Social, and Political Inclusion
Women’s economic empowerment is a critical objective of IWD. The day highlights the need for equal opportunities in leadership, business, and entrepreneurship. Political representation is also a key focus, as increased participation of women in decision-making processes leads to more inclusive policies.
4. Addressing Gender-Based Violence and Discrimination
One of the most pressing issues affecting women worldwide is gender-based violence. IWD campaigns often focus on raising awareness and advocating for policies to combat domestic violence, sexual harassment, and human trafficking.
Programs and Initiatives
1. UN and International Organizations’ Initiatives
Each year, the United Nations selects a theme for International Women’s Day, focusing on pressing gender issues. Past themes have included “DigitALL: Innovation and Technology for Gender Equality” (2023) and “Choose to Challenge” (2021). The UN Women organization actively engages in programs that support women’s empowerment worldwide.
2. Government-Led Programs
Governments around the world organize events and policy initiatives to commemorate IWD. Many countries introduce new gender-equality laws, host women’s rights conferences, and launch programs that provide support for women entrepreneurs and professionals.

3. Corporate and Workplace Engagement
Corporations play a crucial role in supporting gender equality through workplace policies. Many companies use IWD to highlight initiatives such as equal pay, leadership development programs for women, and diversity and inclusion policies. Major corporations often hold panel discussions, mentorship programs, and employee engagement activities.
4. Grassroots and Local Community Movements
Local organizations and NGOs use IWD as an opportunity to engage with communities, advocating for change at the grassroots level. These efforts include educational workshops, health and wellness programs, and legal aid support for women facing discrimination or violence.
5. Role of Social Media and Digital Activism
In the digital age, social media campaigns have amplified the reach of International Women’s Day. Hashtags like #EachforEqual, #IWD2024, and #BreakTheBias have gone viral, encouraging conversations and activism on a global scale. Online petitions, webinars, and digital storytelling have become powerful tools for raising awareness and driving change.
Challenges and Future of
International Women’s Day
1. Persisting Gender Disparities
Despite progress, gender disparities remain in many parts of the world. Women continue to face challenges such as the gender pay gap, underrepresentation in leadership roles, and lack of access to education and healthcare.
2. Political and Cultural Resistance
In some regions, the fight for women’s rights faces strong political and cultural resistance. Traditional norms and legal barriers hinder progress, making advocacy efforts more challenging.
3. The Role of Men and Allies in Gender Equality
Achieving gender equality requires the involvement of men as allies. IWD encourages men to support gender-inclusive policies, challenge stereotypes, and advocate for equal opportunities.
4. The Future of Gender Rights Activism
Looking ahead, the future of International Women’s Day will be shaped by intersectional feminism, digital activism, and global collaboration. The rise of youth-led movements and increased corporate accountability will continue to drive progress toward a more equitable world. International Women’s Day is more than just a celebration-it is a movement that continues to shape the future of gender equality. By acknowledging the achievements of women, advocating for their rights, and addressing the challenges they face, IWD remains a powerful force for change. As societies progress, the collective efforts of governments, organizations, and individuals will play a vital role in ensuring that gender equality becomes a reality for all.
Each year, International Women’s Day serves as a reminder that the fight for gender equality is far from over, but with continued effort and commitment, a more inclusive and just world is within reach.