“Granted, his movement attracted honest, idealistic souls to his corner at the Ram Lila ground, those who thought that a ‘change’ was possible. Well, a kind of ‘change’ did take place. Simply put, Anna Hazare ended up preparing the ground for a new regime to come to power. This Anna has to be a very, very simple man to believe that he can once again recapture public imagination and that he can summon agitated souls to rally around his banner”, says the author.

That tired but persistent theoretician of a moral society, has again been heard from. On Gandhi Jayanti, he popped up for a photo-op at Raj Ghat and expressed himself to be thoroughly unhappy at the way things have worked out these last three years; in particular, he appears to be annoyed that there is no sign of a Lok Pal, the presumably magical piece of legislation that the India Against Corruption cabal had waved so earnestly before a credulous nation. It is a measure of how the times have changed that, with a minor exception here or there, most newspapers relegated the Old Gandhian to the inside pages.

When he threatens to resurrect his anti-corruption movement, it becomes difficult to decide whether Anna Hazare is an incorrigible fool or a very, very shrewd old man. It is quite possible that he has cunningly sensed that the Modi sarkar has become wobbly and that it has rendered itself vulnerable to public anger after having so brazenly abused and misused people’s confidence to indulge in its whims and fancies. Any regime that enters this zone of doubtful respectability invites poaching from moral archers of the Anna Hazare type.

Or, is he too simple a man who continues to believe genuinely that he led a genuine ‘anti-corruption’ movement in 2011? Granted, his movement attracted honest, idealistic souls to his corner at the Ram Lila ground, those who thought that a ‘change’ was possible. Well, a kind of ‘change’ did take place. Simply put, Anna Hazare ended up preparing the ground for a new regime to come to power. This Anna has to be a very, very simple man to believe that he can once again recapture public imagination and that he can summon agitated souls to rally around his banner.

Gandhians make poor insurgents —unless there is a shrewd Mohandas in charge of both tactics and strategy. Anna is no Gandhi. He was just an earnest man, who wore a Gandhi cap (which the Mahatma never needed). He is entitled to feel that he has been betrayed by his spear carriers — the Kiran Bedis, the Arvind Kejriwals — but he remains curiously innocent about the very nature of the movement that was put together in his name.

The India Against Corruption was a perfect platform to bring together assorted babas, NGOs, media moguls; there was corporate funding, and retired intelligence hands were there to lend a hand with planning and disinformation. If Anna Hazare cares to look around, he will find that since 2014, his “moral army” has been the principal supplier for raj niwas’, Parliament and assemblies, councils of ministers, etc.

That is not enough. The babas have become entrepreneurs, presiding over multi-billion-rupee empires; prospering with government patronage and protection; and, behind-the-scenes strategists now man national security portals. The political capital the Anna Hazare movement generated has been encashed to the last rupee. And, above all, all that flag-waving at Ram Lila ground was rather cleverly choreographed, preparing the ground for the carnival of a resentful nationalism.

Some may find it charming that he refuses to see that he had already been once taken for a ride; but he should not be encouraged to think that he can replicate his “movement” again. No society will allow itself to be hoodwinked a second time. We feel morally cheated. Those who proffered themselves as our saviors and social cleansers have turned out to be very ordinary political operatives, if not worse.

Nor will he be allowed to pitch his tent. In hindsight, it can be suggested that in 2011, Anna faced a rather benign adversary. The Manmohan Singh regime was a decent arrangement. Anna will discover that he has underestimated the official ruthlessness the New India is capable of unleashing on all those who decide to annoy it.

More pointedly, the global context has disappeared; the Arab Spring has turned out to be a State Department sleight of hand; none of the countries subjected to a presumably moral renewal has experienced peace, harmony or political stability. The Indian middle classes get easily frightened at the slightest hint of disorder and they are ready to run to the safety offered by this or that strong man. The moral economy of Arab Spring disintegrated long ago. The Anna movement was part of this global subversive project; but, now, there is a businessman and a deal-maker in the White House.

Nor will corporate India dare to offer any kind of comfort to a second Anna movement. The corporates today make a deeply tamed crowd, barely managing to survive the inspired governmental incompetence in handling the economy.

Media was a powerful ally in the anti-corruption movement. This time round, Anna will discover that the media has found it profitable to sup with the big boss; it no longer thinks of itself as an ally of the underdog in his fight against the daily ritual injustice and indifference; it has enrolled itself in the nationalistic cause. Even if Anna was to find another bunch of innocent souls to help him try to re-enact the Jantar Mantar tableau of righteousness and disapproval, he will find the media laughing him out of town.

Above all, we are an emotionally exhausted society. The creative power of our passions is degraded every night. A slow intellectual hemorrhage is inflicted on our collective sanity. Our righteousness has been so subtly, so shabbily — and, so toxically — directed against Pakistan. Our anger has been channeled — and wasted — against the Left, minorities and other assorted deshdrohis.

The Prime Minister has abused our trust; he asked us to trust him because he came from a poor family and then made millions of poor, honest and hard-working people stand in line to get their own hard-earned money while the fat cats were able to work out deals with the Ashoka Road managers. Not only that, he told them to feel good, feel empowered in their misery. Every week, if not every evening, he tries to frog-march us emotionally back to his depleted leadership corner. We are not persuaded to feel good, we are even made to feel small when a Yashwant Sinha is mocked and jeered as a job applicant.

Today, we are an emotionally exhausted nation. Perhaps, even morally tired. We are in a dangerous zone. There is a certain kind of moral coercion in the Anna Hazare variety of earnestness. This is an avoidable trap because it ends up in authoritarian cul de sac.

(The author is editor-in-chief of Tribune group of newspapers)

“The men and women ought to be ashamed of themselves who blame the woman for the wrong doing. Stupid comments like, “She should not have been there,” “She should not have been dressed up like that” are evil in nature.  She has a right to be wherever she wants to be, men just need to be men and not animals”, says the author.

The hallmark of a civilized society is where each one of us feels safe, secure and free. It is the responsibility of the majority or the ones in power to ensure that every vulnerable one is protected. A society where no one lives in apprehension brings prosperity, peace and joy to everyone. It would be a kingdom of heaven on earth!

Women and children are the most vulnerable beings in our society; they are living in constant fear of abuse and harassment, and one in three women is deeply affected by it. It is not easy to erase it from the memories, and the abuse keeps them tense for a life time.

As a man, shame on me if I remain silent when abusive men take advantage of women against their will, and I urge every man to speak up and stop the bad guys.

God has blessed women with built in antennas to sense the predator and they do everything right to avert it, but the abuser does not stop at it. We need to bring in severe punishments for the abusers if we want to be a civilized society.

Free will is the God given inalienable right of every human and violating other’s free will must be considered the greatest sin on the earth.  Here is a video about free will.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9vQs1IcSdYA

Societies, political systems and religions have come into being to give safety to every human, and protect everyone from the predators. The men who wear religion on their sleeves and call themselves Christians, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhist, Sikhs, Bahá’í, Atheists or whatever have an additional responsibility to prevent abusive men from such behavior.

You are familiar with these words, “I did try and fuck her.  She was married. I moved on her like a bitch, but I couldn’t get there. And she was married. Then all of a sudden, I see her, she’s now got the big phony tits and everything. She’s totally changed her look. I’ve gotta use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her. You know I’m automatically attracted to beautiful – I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet. Just kiss. I don’t even wait. And when you’re a star they let you do it. You can do anything…. Grab them by the pussy. You can do anything.”

Shame on all the Men who voted for the Chief Predator, and greater shame on creeps like Pastor Robert Jeffress of Dallas who brings fake approval from God for such behavior and shame on his congregation to keep him there.

The men and women ought to be ashamed of themselves who blame the woman for the wrong doing. Stupid comments like, “She should not have been there,” “She should not have been dressed up like that” are evil in nature.  She has a right to be wherever she wants to be, men just need to be men and not animals.

A civilized society is where a woman can walk freely without fear of anyone. Every woman should have the freedom to be who she is, what she eats, drinks, believes or wears.

A poem written by my friend from Dallas;

About that “Me Too”: Almost forgot 80s admin temp jobs, once getting pinned against the wall by a creep with a booby fixation. This poem was written years later in retrospect, directed at the “boys in the board room.” Not to make light of it, but humor has always been my way of coping:

“Deflecting Sexual Harassment with the Courage of our Conniptions:

A Defense Against ‘Perky Breast Syndrome’”

It has been years since I considered any of my parts to be “perky”

and a while since I cared whether they perk as long as they work

I suppose you thought you were paying me a compliment –Wrong!

and if you do it again I will sue the pants from you

So please remember:

When this company offered you a job with “perks”
they were not referring to me

and just be glad you have a job with perks;

I have a job with jerks!

— Linda Abramson Evans

I applaud all the women who withstood harassment and the beating they took to get the women’s suffrage movement achieves its goals.  Thanks to Anita Hill for being one of the first few high-profile women to bring the sexual harassment out in the public. Thanks to all the actresses who have ventured to reveal the harassment and humiliation they have endured from Harvey Weinstein and are speaking up.  Thanks to Gloria Steinem and countless other women who stood for the rights that women have reclaimed now.

Gone are those days, when a woman would not report sexual harassment to any one, it was an embarrassment and humiliating experience and the uncouth men and women blamed her, thus victimizing the victim further.

Here are a few suggestions to bring about the change:

A mother is more influential in a child’s life than anyone else. If she can raise her kids with values of gender pluralism, translated as, “No work at home is yours, your father’s, your brother’s, sisters’ or mine, it is our work, and all of us will contribute our time and effort towards getting it done.”  Thus, the newer generation can be raised as the kind of men and women we prefer to have in the society.   The family should inculcate such values.  We need another Gloria or Oprah among us to take this on.

Men need to give a full supporting hand in changing the narrative for our and generation and one immediately following us.  I was in India last month and took my two nieces to a politician’s home, the man calls on his wife to take the girls in, I insisted that they sit with us, as it is their future as well and they need to be participants.  The men had their heads screwed backwards, generally they discount and ignore the opinions of females but they were surprised to hear girl’s opinions, I did not let them discount the girls and asked them to listen to the two girls. We’ve to take a stand at first, and then it should become natural.

Prophet Muhammad had a vision of a civilized society; he said he would like to see a day when a single woman can go from the City of Medina to Damascus and be back harmless, fearless and peaceful. I am sure, all the great religious masters have said that, in one form or the other.  I wish we look forward to such a society.

At Center for pluralism we are committed to build cohesive societies where no American has to live in tension, apprehension or fear of the other. We have systems in place to achieve such results over a period of time.

(The author is the President and Executive Director of Center for Pluralism.  His twitter handle is #MikeGhouse and facebook is #MikeGhouse)

 

“For a change this time, there was complete unity in the ranks of the Congress, which was surprisingly missing throughout in the past ten years. This is a pick-up for the Congress party and a net loss for the BJP. In 2014 they contested three seats in Punjab, out of which they were victorious in two, a decent score-card. But now they are down to one only. For PM Narendra Modi, all said and done, it is a setback”, says the author.

Congress victory in Gurdaspur Parliamentary bye election on October 15^, 2017 infused a new vigor into the life of the Congress party in India in general and Punjab in particular.  Although there were eleven candidates in the fray, the scope of the main contest was narrowed down to just two- the BJP and the Congress. Due to the ugly happenings within the AAP last year, leading to the expulsion of the then AAP Convener Sucha Singh Chhottepur, the AAP challenge did not take off at all, leaving the party of Kejriwal to lick the dust once again.

The BJP did put up a decent fight in their strongholds in and around the garrison town of Pathankot. Surprisingly the SAD challenge collapsed more tamely than expected. Whereas the BJP candidate Swaran Singh Salaria lost by 10000 votes in Pathankot, 8000 votes in Sujanpur and 7000 votes in its earmarked three constituencies, the SAD citadel collapsed like a pack of cards in all the other electoral segments. Their losses were stunning; in Dera Baba Nanak by 44000 votes, Fatehgarh Churian by 32000 votes, Gurdaspur by 29000 votes, Batala by 26000 votes, Qadian by 26000 votes etc. It appeared that the people still have unabated revulsion against the rampant corruption indulged in by the top brass of the SAD during the past decade.

Overall the Congress candidate Sunil Jakhar romped home victorious by over 193000 votes, a decisive victory, to say the least. The credit goes to Captain Amarinder Singh, who planned the campaign at the macro level. Micro management was left to the local players like cabinet minister Navjot Singh Sidhu and all the local MLAs from Gurdaspur and Pathankot districts. For a change this time, there was complete unity in the ranks of the Congress, which was surprisingly missing throughout in the past ten years. This is a pick-up for the Congress party and a net loss for the BJP. In 2014 they contested three seats in Punjab, out of which they were victorious in two, a decent score-card. But now they are down to one only. For PM Narendra Modi, all said and done, it is a setback.

During an impromptu press conference on the evening of October 15^th at the Punjab Bhawan Chandigarh, the Captain, flanked by all the hard-working MLAs, was beaming with confidence. So was the victor Sunil Jakhar, President of the Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee. The Captain described it as a resentment against demonetization and the ruthless implementation of GST. The Captain described it as the harbinger of the nation-wide resurgence of the Congress. A similar resurgence occurred in Chikmagaloor Parliamentary election in Karnataka during the 1977-79 Janata Party rule, when Mrs. Indira Gandhi stunned everybody, by registering an upset victory in a parliamentary by-election. Captain Amarinder Singh and Sunil Jakhar referred to that victory as a watershed event en route to the rise of the Congress on its path to a sensational nationwide victory in 1980.

(The author can be reached at harjapaujla@gmail.com)         

 India has been a great nation for ages and will continue to be one. It is one of the few nations on earth where “respecting the otherness of others” evolved, which is also known as Pluralism. The current government needs to learn from our history, how India together is better off than a divisive India where fellow Indians who differ are treated disrespectfully. The majority of the Hindus have a responsibility to become the voice of Hinduism that believes in respecting fellow humans, and not let a few among them represent Hinduism.

Once upon a time, Dilli as Delhi was called was the most sought after city in the world and attracted the best talent. It was always considered the “dil” or heart of Hindustan. It is still the capital of India but has obviously changed. The political, social and cultural structures have transformed considerably.

When Shah Jahan built the city of Shahjahanabad, Dilli became famous all over the world and attracted many European travelers whose accounts (in English or translated into it) tell us the story of those days. However, we hardly have books in English or Hindi, by those who lived in the city or fort, which describe the life inside the walled city. In 1857, when the British prevailed upon the “rebel sepoys” and captured Delhi after a siege of four months, they put the Mughal emperor on trial and after finding him guilty of sedition exiled him to Burma. Since then we have forgotten about the syncretic society, which flourished prior to 1857, and the interaction of the Mughal emperor with his subjects.

CF Andrews was a Church of England priest, educator, missionary who came to India in 1904 and became great friends with Munshi Zakaullah, an alumnus of Delhi College, a mathematician and social historian. Munshi Zakaullah had seen life inside the Lal Quila and had described it to Andrews.

Andrews in his book, Zakaullah of Delhi, describes the Mughal court and life in Shahjahanabad. He writes, “The intimate residence together side by side in the same city of Musalmans and Hindus had brought about a noticeable amalgamation of customs and usages among the common people…

These older residents, whom I approached, whether Hindus or Musalmans, spoke about this fact with enthusiasm, and contrasted it with the bitterness of modern times.

It was quite common, for instance, in those days, for the two communities to join together in different religious festivals. Hindus would go to a Muslim festival, and Musalmans would go to a Hindu festival. This had become a natural local custom.”

I am putting down translated extracts from two Urdu books that describe that Delhi.

Bazm-e-Aakhir was first published in 1885 and was a commissioned book. Munshi Agha Mirza, manager of Muttaba Armaghan e-Dehli and Akhbar-un Nisa realized that those who had first-hand knowledge of life in the Quila-e-Mualla or Red Fort were either dead or ageing and he should get it recorded. He handed over the task to Munshi Faizuddin, who as a Mughal courtier and attendant of Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh, had spent most of his adult life inside the fort. Munshi Faizuddin describes it thus:

Diwali

Lo! It’s time for the first diya. (literally it means lamp but symbolically it specifies day. Even today we have choti and badi Diwali).

Now, no one will enter or leave the royal apartments. The washerwomen, female gardeners and porters and other female servants will not be allowed to step outside the palace (seraglio). No vegetable will enter the palace. If some lady asks for brinjal, radish, pumpkin or carrot, it has to be brought in peeled for fear that someone may do black magic on the ladies inside.

It’s the third diya (badi or main Diwali) and today the badshah shall be weighed in gold and silver and a huge weighing scale is put up. The Badshah sits on one side and the other is filled with gold and silver equal to his weight. This is distributed among the poor.

One black buffalo, black blanket, mustard oil, satnaja (mixed grains), gold and silver are taken out as the badshah’s sadqa (sacrifice to avoid misfortune) and distributed among the poor people.

Orders are given for the fort to be illuminated. Kheele’n (puffed rice), batashe (candy), candy and mitti ke khilone (sugar toys), sugar cane, lemon and mud houses are distributed from house to house by jasoliniyan (female guards) and female servants.

At night, the mud houses made by the prince and princesses are filled with kheelei’n and batashe and diyas are lit in front of it. The raushan chowki, an ensemble of musical instruments, which included shehnai and drums is played in procession and the naubat (drum) starts playing in the Royal Naubat Khana.

In all four corners of the fort, a sugar cane is fixed and lemons are strung on it.

In the morning, these are distributed among the maidservants.

The rath baan (carriage driver) decorates the bulls with henna on their hooves, gilding on their horns, bells around their necks and gold and silver embroidered and tasseled cloth and parades them before the badshah and is rewarded.

Dilli ka Aakhiri Deedar was written by Syed Wazir Hasan Dehlvi and published in 1934. Syed Dehlvi was the grandson of the famous novelist Deputy Nazir Ahmed and gives an account of the Delhi about which he heard from his elders or read in books. In his own words, as recounted by his grandson Syed Zameer Hasan Dehlvi, in the preface:

These sweet tales of bygone days were sometimes found in books and sometimes heard from the lips of the older generation. My mind became a treasure house of such knowledge and I was able to pen them down.

Now that people are willing to listen to these tales I want to hear these stories in their voice.

So that all the pearls that are lying scattered all over in various books can be threaded into a necklace and made available for readers who are interested in the era which has gone by. So, I am collecting eyewitness accounts.

None of us are immortal at least these stories can live.

Just as the good days didn’t last one day the memory of these days will also be erased.

He has shown Delhi’s Ganga Jamuni tehzeeb, its communal amity, colorful festivals and the cordial relations between the inhabitants of the fort and the general public.

Dussehra and Diwali

Dussehra is here and a neelkanth (Indian roller) is let off in front of the badshah. The darogha (superintendent) of the baazkhana (falcon house) brings a falcon and hawk to the darbar and the badshah puts it on his wrist.

In the afternoon, the Hindu nobles offer nazar and after that the badshah comes and sits in the jharokha (balcony of the fort overlooking the Yamuna river) to watch the show put up on the sandy bank.

The people of the walled city also gather to watch the show and disperse after it ends.

The darogha of the royal stables comes with the special horses that have been decorated with gold and silver finery and colorful cloths under the jharokha. The badshah inspects them. Rewards are given to the ones with the best decoration.

The Ramleela is celebrated for nine days and on the tenth there is a Bharat Milap in which every year two brothers – Hindu and Muslim – would embrace each other with love.

Diwali has come and the sounds of drums, musical instruments and raushan chowki are echoing. Stalls with heaps of kheele, batashe, khand (loaf-sugar), mitti ke khilone and pieces sugarcane are set up.

Eunuchs are roaming the streets singing Challa de de More Tain (Give me a ring O kind sir) and begging at the shops.

Halwais have made all kinds of sweets and their shops are attractively decorated enticing the passersby.

The light from the first diya to the last gives the impression that it’s daylight in the city.

On the third diya (day), the badshah was weighed in gold and silver. One buffalo, a black blanket, mustard oil, satnaja and gold and silver were taken out as the badshah’s sadqa.

The Quila was brightly lit and the Hindus sent trays of food for everyone. All friends set out to wish each other: They roam the city and enjoy the illumination.

The rathban and ghosi (cattlemen) colored the hooves of their cattle (bulls, buffaloes and cows) with henna.

They were painted in bright colors and their horns were either painted silver or covered with silver foil. In their necks and hooves bells were put. On their backs were beautifully decorated cloths.

They were tinkling as they were taken out and made to dance to the sounds of drums. Everyone rewarded them.

In Dilli ka Akhiri Deedar, there is also a description of what happened after the fall of the Mughal Empire.

The book contains an eyewitness account by Aghai Begum, who was a Mughalani (probably as an attendant to a princess), who had spent her life describes how the festivals were celebrated in the Lal Quila. She speaks to the author of the book in the latter part of the 19th century when the British are in full control of Delhi and indeed India. When asked about celebration of festivals, she is nostalgic about the past and scathing about the present:

Some fair and spectacles still remain but the hearts of the people are not the same. The rich look down on the poor, and I don’t from where communal feelings have entered people’s hearts and there’s a communal divide. The Hindus and Muslims don’t visit each other anymore and at the drop of a hat are ready to fight with and kill each other. Every other day there is a street brawl and if there is a fair or a festival then it is as if the wrath of God has descended on the populace. Everyone is out of control, ready to take offence at the slightest thing and in minutes, stones are thrown, sticks are used for beating each other and in seconds there are scores of bleeding heads. Now the machine guns are out and there is a curfew in the city and jailhouses are filled up. Some are even sentenced to kala paani, some are executed; children are orphaned, women are widowed and families bereft. Instead of festivities, the house is of full of mourning.

(The article is based on the one originally written by Rana Safvi who is the author of ‘Where Stones Speak’ and other books. He can be reached at RANA SAFVI @iamrana)

On Monday, October 16, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was at his vitriolic best in Gandhinagar. It was a revealing performance. For a man who for more than three years has been the Prime Minister of India and is, ipso facto, credited with a pan-Indian thought process, Modi revealed himself to be an unreconstructed Gujarati sub-nationalist. As Chief Minister, from 2001 to 2014, he positioned himself as the vigilant guardian of Gujarat’s interests; this mobilisation of Gujarati sub-nationalism helped him defy his own party’s national leadership then and manufacture the “Congress-is-anti-Gujarat” narrative. But for the Prime Minister to now dip into that pool of lingering resentment is an affront to the office he holds and the obligation he has to work for the welfare of the entire nation.

The amount of attention that Modi and other senior BJP leaders are paying to Rahul Gandhi, as mascot of what the Prime Minister called vanshvaad (as juxtaposed to the BJP’s vikasvaad), betrays a strange obsession and, perhaps, a bit of nervousness. The Congress campaign in Gujarat has, in fact, zeroed in on Modi’s model of development. If Gujarat has the reputation of a prosperous state, it is primarily because of all the industrialisation, cooperative movements and farming innovations that took place during Congress rule, much before the BJP could storm the Gandhinagar secretariat on the politics of communal mobilisation; indeed, “development” has always been part of Gujarat’s political culture. The Prime Minister is injecting a false dichotomy.

Be that as it may, it is the tone that the Prime Minister has sought to set on Monday that should be a matter of concern. The BJP has now been in power for nearly two decades in Gujarat. Inevitably, its stewardship has produced its own share of grievances and aberrations; the so-called Gujarat model is more a hype than reality; political emotions can easily be manipulated in a Hindu-Muslim binary. It is natural for the BJP to have accumulated an “anti-incumbency” baggage and it is quite natural for the anti-BJP forces to create an alternative narrative. The Modi crowd may feel it is entitled to a walkover in Gujarat, but the Opposition cannot be faulted if it demurs.

(Tribune, India)