The Indian Panorama

Tag: Akali Dal

  • Free speech and media control

    Free speech and media control

    Freedom of speech and its consequent dissent-and-control argument just took a whole new turn

    “The RWB makes two points about media freedoms, both of them obvious, but which bear repeating. The first, that there is a direct relationship between freedom of speech and democracy. A feisty press flourishes around the cut and thrust of argument between the ruling party and the Opposition and especially revels in a David-Goliath situation, when a small but plucky Opposition won’t let a majoritarian ruling party rest.”

    By Jyoti Malhotra

    As we all wish each other a joyous new year, 2026, two bits of information cannot have escaped the mind’s eye. The first, that India has overtaken Japan to become the fourth largest economy in the world, a fact that should certainly push each of us towards a self-congratulatory pat on the shoulder even as we sing, in unison, all the stanzas of Vande Mataram — no matter the uneven data glares at you as you look a bit deeper, for example the rising coefficient of inequality.

    The second bit of news, somewhat more worrying, is the staggering 14,875 instances of free speech violations recorded through 2025, including nine killings (eight journalists and one social media influencer), 117 arrests, including eight journalists, and 11,385 instances of Internet censorship.

    This report, compiled by the Mumbai-based Free Speech Collective, is a sobering description of India’s free speech landscape. I’ve written about this in these columns before — which is, that Article 19, a fundamental right in the Constitution which guarantees freedom of speech and expression, gives with one hand but takes away with the other. So, for example, while Article 19(1)(a) grants citizens the right to freely express their thoughts, opinions and ideas via speech, writing, printing, visual representations or any other means, “reasonable restrictions can be imposed on this right” in the interest of sovereignty and integrity of India, public order, decency or morality etc.

    Question is, who is to decide what is “public order”?

    We know why these restrictions were placed in 1950 when the Constitution was born, when India was still emerging from the fires of the Partition. Over these past decades, some of those fires have been replaced by others, both real and make-believe. That’s why journalists have always been at the frontlines of courage, pushing establishments to reveal more and more information in the interest of the people. Isn’t that what democracy is about, anyway. Even Napoleon — or especially, Napoleon — knew that information is power.

    Closer home, ruling parties have never shied away from controlling the narrative. The BJP is clearly the master of this universe. The Free Speech Collective in its report went on to add that in May 2025, the Centre asked X, the social media giant, to withhold over 8,000 accounts and another 2,354 in July. X also told the Karnataka High Court that it had received 29,118 requests from the government to remove content from January-June 2025 and had complied with 26,641.

    Blocking orders from the Union Ministry of Information Technology, shutdowns and bans on apps have been rampant.

    Nor are ruling parties in non-BJP-ruled states exempt from the temptation. The Ludhiana police have filed an FIR against 10 persons, of which nine are journalists, for posting “distorted and unverified content” about stories that Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann’s helicopter was being used when he was on an official visit to Japan and South Korea from December 1-10. It is not known who was using the official chopper. Instead of clarifying what is going on, the sledgehammer has fallen on social media influencers and YouTube news channels.

    And then of course there was the unusual threat last year by Telugu Desam MLA Gummanur Jayaram who said he would make reporters sleep on train tracks if they published “false information” on him.

    In fact, 2025 began with the news that the body of an independent journalist from Chhattisgarh, Mukesh Chandrakar, 33, was found in a septic tank in Bijapur. Mukesh would often report on the “violence from the Naxal heartland”, the Indian Express said, an indication of the threat from both sides of the fence.

    Punjab’s journalists are familiar with that situation, during the terrorism years and after.

    The World Press Freedom Index that is put together by the international NGO Reporters Without Borders (RWB) illustrates why India’s press freedoms teeter between the devil and the deep blue sea. The good news is that India’s media freedom rank has fallen from 159 (out of 180 countries) in 2024 to 151 in 2025. In South Asia, only Pakistan and Afghanistan fare worse. India, the world’s largest democracy, finds itself in the company of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Sudan, Syria and North Korea — as well as Russia. (India’s fast friend, Vladimir Putin, has been in power in one way or another for the last 26 years.)

    The RWB makes two points about media freedoms, both of them obvious, but which bear repeating. The first, that there is a direct relationship between freedom of speech and democracy. A feisty press flourishes around the cut and thrust of argument between the ruling party and the Opposition and especially revels in a David-Goliath situation, when a small but plucky Opposition won’t let a majoritarian ruling party rest.

    The RWB’s second finding is that there is a direct relationship between media censorship and funding. That “serious funding cuts” are a real blow to the media economy, already grappling with the expansion of influence of tech giants like Facebook and Google — and now AI. It’s a no-brainer that the media is far freer in a market economy, which allows the diversification of its funding.

    And then there’s AI. The X handle of the Punjab unit of the Aam Aadmi Party @AAPPunjab has broken new ground with an AI video that mimics — and criticizes — Opposition leaders, ending with Chief Minister Mann’s real persona “speaking for Punjab”. It’s not a cartoon. Congress leaders Charanjit Channi and Amrinder Raja Warring as well as Akali Dal leader Sukhbir Badal — almost — look like the way they do in real life. Worse, there are no disclaimers.

    This deepfake mixing of truth with fiction is already familiar in the non-political space — we saw its use in media stories during Op Sindoor last year. But if political parties are also going to start employing AI video in the pursuit of influence, then it’s clear that not just the rules, the nature of the game is being fundamentally changed.

    The task to separate truth from fiction in the free speech Lakshman Rekha just became tougher. The freedom of speech and its consequent dissent-and-control argument just took a whole new turn.

    (Jyoti Malhotra is Editor-in-Chief of The Tribune group of newspapers. She has worked with India’s top newspapers, across print, TV and digital, both in English and Hindi media, and is a regular contributor on BBC Radio. Her X & Insta handles are @jomalhotra & email is jyoti.malhotra@tribunemail.com)

     

  • Sikh History This Week- March 3, 2023, to March 9, 2023

    3rd March

    1644       Sixth Patshah, Guru Hargobind Ji departed from this planet at Kirtapur. This is the actual date of Joti Jot, although it is observed on a different date by Guru Khalsa Panth.

    1762       Ahmad Shah Abdali, upon reaching Lahore, displays the heads of Sikhs by hanging them on doors and walls.

    1921       Speaking at Shaheedi Diwan, Gandhi sought to integrate the Gurudwara reform movement into the national movement against colonialism. He wanted them “to dedicate their martyrdom to Bharat mata and belive that the Khalsa can remain free only in a free India.” With this event Ghandhi, in his immitable style took politics into religion which the Central Sikh League, a political organisation, had carefully avoided by leaving the reform movement to the SGPC. Ghandhi was a “Hindu holy man with political cloak” in quest for power. Siks weren’t immediately taken in. However, the damage had been done. Gandhi had sown the seeds of division in the Tat Khalsa which sprouted only a few months later.

    1923       Dacoity at Jamser railway station ius committed by the Babbar Akalis.

    1924       3rd Shahidi Jatha of 500 valiant Akali Satyagrahies, led by Sardar Santa Singh of Chuck No. 133, Sargodha, courted arrest at Jaito.

    1947       Muslim League asked to form government in the Punjab. Sikh leaders met in the chamber of Assembly, Lahore. A mammoth crowd raised provocative slogans. At this point, Master Tara Singh came out, unleashed his sword and said “we shall lay down our lives but won’t concede Pakistan.” With this, it became famous that Master Tara Singh had cut off the Pakistan Flag. In actuality, Master Tara Singh did not tear any flag. However, being a fiery speaker, it was perceieved that he did.

    4th March

    1716 Marked the killing of Sikhs in Delhi, under the protection of Sarabrah Khan. 100 Sikhs were killed on the first day.

    1953 Akali led government of PEPSU province dismissed without any ground.

    1988 Jasbir SIngh Rode, a nephew of Jarnail Singh Bhindrawalae, who had been nominated as the Chief Granthi of Sri Akal Takhat, was won over by Rajiv Gandhi, while he was in jail. Under a secret agreement he was released on this day. He tried to confuse the Sikh masses as planned but the Sikh nation rejected him in the same manner as Ragi Darshan Singh. He called a meeting of Sarbat Khalsa at Talwandi Sabo on APril 13, 1988. Even this congregation declated that the Sikh nation would not compromise its freedom.

    5th March

    1716       Marks the begining of systematic execution of 740 Sikh soliders. After their surrender at the fort of Gurdas Nangal, Banda Singh Bahadhur, the valiant Sikh General and his 740 solidiers were taken to Delhi. From Mar. 5 through Mar. 11, these solidiers along with Banda Bahadhur were executed in groups of 100. They were given the option to adopt Islam and escape execution. However, each one of these solidiers refused the offer and instead willingly accepted shahadet with unflinching faith and fortitude.

    1748       Khalsa Panth gathered at Anandpur Sahib for Holla Mehla observations and resolved to gather in Amritsar for Vaisakhi celebrations.

    1892       The foundation stone for Khalsa College, a Shiromani education institution for Sikhs, was laid in Amritsar by J.B. Loyal. Prof. Gurmukh Singh was instrumental its establishment after more than a decade of tireless efforts. The College Council was controlled by its Vice-President Sit Attar Singh Bhadaur with Jawahar Singh serving as General Secretary.

    1921       Gurudwara Sach Khand (Chuharkana) Sahib was forcibly taken over and brought under the control of SGPC.

    1948       Khalsa Panth gathered at Anandpur Sahib for Holla Mehla observations and resolved to gather in Amritsar for Vaisakhi celebrations.

    1955       Punjabi Suba Conference was held at Patiala.

    1971       Elections to Indian Lower House were held. Akali Dal won 1 of the 13 Punjab seats.

    6th March

    1752       The cooperation between Sikhs and Mir Mannu snapped as a result of Kaura Mal’s death. This was evident from action during Abdali’s third invasion. The Sikhs under the patronage of Diwan Kaura Mal, a Khulasa Sikhs, had cooperated with Mir Mannu. henceforth, Mir Mannu as a nominee of Afghans pursued the policy of extirpating Sikhs. If nothing else, their women and children were taken to Nakhas, Lahore, in hundreds, and were subjected to gruesome torture and martyred. In 18 months, he killed about 30,000 Sikhs. The peasentry crushed, because of the Afghan depredations and roving provincial troops in search of the Sikh families, joined the Khalsa fold in large numbers who offered them protection.

    1752       Diwan Kodha Mal, also known as Mitha Mal, died while fighting in Lahore.

    1834       Peshawar occupied by Sikhs. Ranjit Singh sent a force under Hari Singh Nalwa, Ventura and Court under nominal command of Prince Nau Nihal Singh. Pathan chiefs sent their families away as they were aware of the duplicity Of Shah Shujah and Ranjit Singh’s intention to occupy Peshawar. They agreed to enhance the tribute but the Sikh army occupied Peshawar on the pretext that the Prince wanted to see the town and the Pathan chiefs left the city. Hari Singh Nalwa was appointed Governor of Peshawar along with the Governorship Of Hazara. British did not appreciate Sikh occupation of Peshawar. Sikh coins struck from Peshawar.

    1921       Gurudwara Manak Sahib was forcibly taken over and brought under the control of SGPC.

    7th March

    1921       Gurudwara Tham Sahib was forcibly taken over and brought under the control of SGPC.

    1959       SGPC at its general meeting accepted the announcement of Sri Damdama Sahib as Guru Khalsa Panth’s fifth Takhat.

    1966       The formation of Punjabi Suba was declared.

    1966       On the occasion of Hola Mohalla festival at Takhat Sri Kesgarh, Sri Anandpur Sahib, Khalsa Panth declared that all Hindi letters from the official boards, signs, and milestones be obliterated throughout the state and the Sikhs removed all those.

    8th March

    1644       Patshahi Seventh, Sri Guru Har Rai Sahib Ji, ascended to Guruship. Guru Hargobind had five sons, three of whom had died during his life time. Of the two who had survived him, SUraj Mal, born in 1617, was a worldly man, with only a moderate interest in religion, and Tegh Bahadhur, born in 1621, was a recluse. So by the command of Guru hargobind, the young Har Rai, grandson of the Guru, who was fourteen years old, was anointed as the seventh Guru of the Sikhs. The ceremony was performed by Baba Bhana, son of Baba Budha. Just before his death, Guru Hargobind put five paisas and a coconut before Har Rai, bowed to him and Baba Bhana put on his forehead the saffron mark and declared him to be the seventh Guru of the Sikhs.

    1758       Sikhs attacked Lahore. Taemur escaped to Kabul. Adina Begh became the new Governor and initiated atrocities against Sikhs.

    1853       Maharaja Dalip Singh coverted to Christianity. Christian missionaries had spread their network to Lahore, Amritsar and other parts of the Punjab after its annexation. They saw hopeful signs of conversion of the Sikhs and made them a special target.

    9th March

    1783 Sikh forces, under Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and Baghel Singh attacked Delhi and ransacked Houz Khaas after breaking the Mori Gate. Sabzi Mandi, Malkagunj and Pahari Dhiraj areas were plundered. Sikhs set up their headquarters at Majnu Tilla, out-skirts of Delhi. During this attack the Sikh forces captured Delhi. Sardar Baghel Singh returned to Punjab only after getting some major concessions for the Sikhs, raising Kesri Flag on Red Fort and constructing seven historical Gurudwaras connected with Sikh Gurus, including Sis Ganj and Rakab Ganj as memorials to the martydom of Sri Guru Tegh Bahadhur.

  • Conflict in Punjab Congress

    • With elections in sight, ambitions begin to soar

    With just nine months to go before the term of the Punjab legislature ends, the conflict in the ruling Congress tells a story about ambition and hunger for power. Dissidents have been firing salvos at Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh for much of his current term, causing embarrassment to their own government over alleged corruption, the inconclusive probe into sacrilege cases and last year’s horrible spurious liquor tragedy. Now, the knives have been sharpened — there is an insistent demand for a change of guard in the state leadership. There is strong sentiment in Punjab against the BJP-ruled Centre over the three contentious farm laws, the Akali Dal is still suspect in the eyes of the voters due to past association with the BJP, the Aam Aadmi Party is also affected by factionalism and seems to have lost steam — the Congress leaders believe, thus, that power would be theirs for the taking when the elections are held early next year.

    Over the past few days, Congress leaders have vigorously washed their dirty linen in public. The dissidents have accused the CM of being distant and autocratic; they have pointed to the criminal syndicates operating in the state, especially the land, sand, drug and illicit liquor mafias. Former minister Navjot Singh Sidhu has been vocal on the sacrilege cases of 2015, alleging that the chief minister is protecting the culprits. Capt Amarinder Singh and the loyalists have countered the allegations, accusing Sidhu of trying to undermine his own party’s government over political ambitions. As the party’s central leadership tries to douse the fire, an unfavorable picture of the leaders’ priorities emerges before the populace, struck by loss, sorrow and economic deprivation amid the pandemic. There are no reports that these issues were discussed with the central leadership — an indication of flawed priorities.

    Currently, only three states in India have Congress chief ministers. In spite of the despair prevailing in Punjab — and indeed, all over the country — due to the pandemic, the party would have hopes of overcoming the anti-incumbency factor in the 2022 elections. Dissidence and ambition, however, have the potential to hurt its chances — as has happened in several other states.

    (Tribune India)