Gabbard’s service to India’s Hindu nationalist movement didn’t block her as Director of National Intelligence
Last month, I sat with two FBI agents in Washington, DC for at least two hours to discuss my experiences as a victim of transnational repression by India’s Hindu nationalist (“Hindutva”) government. Along the way, I also mentioned that I was there in DC to visit U.S. Senate offices and advocate against the confirmation of former Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard as the Director of National Intelligence. I did do that. I visited 25 Senate offices, and spoke at length with many staffers specializing in national security and intelligence areas. Every one of them was fascinated and disturbed by what I shared: that the foundation of Tulsi Gabbard’s political career was support from U.S. affiliates of the Hindutva movement.
One staffer suggested that Gabbard’s intimacy with Hindutva ought to be examined from a counterintelligence perspective.
I failed. Gabbard was confirmed on 12 February 2025 by a Senate vote of 52-48. Only one Republican Senator, Mitch McConnell, broke party ranks to vote against her. Others who were considered “swing votes,” such as Senators Todd Young and Lisa Murkowski, offered their “ayes.”
Both had stood on principle to vote against Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense. What bought Murkowski’s vote is anyone’s guess, but Elon Musk denouncing Young as a “deep state puppet” before having a private call with him was undoubtedly the key factor in his pro-Gabbard vote.
Gabbard’s confirmation was on the rocks for much of the time leading up to the final vote. Senators were upset about a wide range of far more mainstream issues than the Hindutva allegiance which I discussed. Most of these issues — Assad, Putin, Snowden, and more — were raised on the floor by multiple Democratic senators in the hours before the vote.
Senators Elissa Slotkin, Dick Durbin, Chris Coons, Chuck Schumer, and others all pleaded with the Senate to vote “no” on Gabbard. Unfortunately, none of them raised the issue on which Gabbard is most vulnerable: the issue of Hindutva.
For the past six years, I have been reporting on Hindutva influence in U.S. sociopolitics, especially elections. I reported on:
Sri Preston Kulkarni’s campaign for U.S. Congress. He lost, catastrophically.
U.S. Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthi. He has faced strong opposition since for his Hindutva ties.
Ambassador (acting) Atul Keshap’s meeting with India’s RSS, the paramilitary that serves as the fountainhead of Hindutva. He resigned, prematurely.
Michigan State Assemblywoman Padma Kuppa. She lost her campaign for Michigan State Senate.
Ohio State Senator Niraj Antani. He lost his campaign for U.S. Congress.
I’ve reported on much more, but the very first Hindutva-tied politician I ever reported on was Tulsi Gabbard, in a cover article for India’s Caravan magazine in August 2019. Titled “How The American Sangh Built Up Tulsi Gabbard,” it referenced the “Sangh Parivar” or “Family of Hindu Nationalist Organizations” spearheaded by the RSS, to discuss in depth how Gabbard owes her political career to them.
As Congressman Ro Khanna, himself a Hindu, commented at the time: “Important article. It’s the duty of every American politician of Hindu faith to stand for pluralism, reject Hindutva, and speak for equal rights for Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhist(s) & Christians.”
My article was 18,000 words, all about Tulsi Gabbard and her ties to Hindutva. As I repeatedly said during my Senate visits last month, “Gabbard’s interactions with Assad are problematic. But if you asked me to write an article using hard facts describing her relationship with Assad, I’d be hard-pressed to give you 1,000 words. That I can give you 18,000 words on Tulsi’s relationship with Hindutva says a lot.”
Since then, Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard lost office as she dedicated herself to a failed campaign for the U.S. presidency. Her bizarre political gymnastics — which I recently called those of an “American chameleon” — were recently summarized as the “mystery of Tulsi Gabbard” in The New Yorker:
“She comes from Hawaii, where she served in the state legislature and the National Guard; in those years, she campaigned against “homosexual advocacy organizations” and in favor of environmental protections. Gabbard was elected to Congress in 2012, running as a Democrat, and was made a vice-chair of the Democratic National Committee. Since then, she has left the D.N.C., because she wanted to endorse Bernie Sanders; left Congress, because she wanted to run for President; and left the Democratic Party, because she had become convinced that it is, she says, ‘led by an élitist cabal of woke warmongers.’ In August, she endorsed Donald Trump, later saying, ‘A vote for President Trump is a vote to express our deep love for our country, and our appreciation for our God-given rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution.’”
These unpredictable flip-flops are best explained, in the words of The Atlantic, as a “dogged pursuit of power, or at least of proximity to power.” They represent a constant attempt to shift with the political winds, to stay relevant, and to keep close to power.
Such desperation can only be explained by what I’ve uncovered: that Gabbard’s political career was created by U.S. affiliates of Hindutva. That Hindutva in America wants politicians in their pocket. And that, in the words of key Hindutva advocate Dr. Bharat Barai, who has given tens of thousands of dollars in campaign donations to Gabbard, “It doesn’t matter to me whether it is a Republican or Democrat.”
Gabbard donning the colors of a foreign political party at events hosted by what would become a registered foreign agent didn’t faze those who voted for her. Gabbard’s justification of Hindu nationalism — a chauvinistic, misogynistic, xenophobic ideology — as merely “expressing pride in one’s religion” didn’t faze her Republican backers. Gabbard taking hundreds of thousands of dollars from donors who also helped to elect India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, then turning around and arguing, in India, that “there was a lot of misinformation that surrounded the event in 2002,” referring to the Gujarat Massacre of Muslims which Modi is accused of orchestrating and which got him banned from America, no, that did not faze anyone in the Senate from confirming her.
Gabbard was first introduced to India’s RSS by a family friend named Michael Brannon Parker. Parker was hired by the RSS to write a book whitewashing the RSS’s 2008 massacre of Christians in the Indian state of Odisha. Asked by RSS leader Ram Madhav to introduce him to Gabbard in 2008, Parker did so.
Then Gabbard became a member of U.S. Congress, ran for U.S. President, and eventually was confirmed as the Director of National Intelligence.
In the meantime, Modi’s regime started assassinating critics in North America. One, successfully, in Vancouver, Canada. One, unsuccessfully, in New York City.
Where does all of this take us?
I remember when Tulsi Gabbard was repeatedly protested in the streets during her presidential campaign over her ties to the RSS. “The princess of the R$$,” read signs.
Today she controls my country’s intelligence services.
For 20 years, I have joined my life with the Indian diaspora to take up concerns about the dismal human rights situation in India, especially that facing religious minorities. Under the past 10 years of Modi’s reign, India has moved from the world “largest democracy” to the world’s largest autocracy or, as some might phrase it, the world’s largest fascist nation.
For those 20 years, I have been deeply concerned on behalf of another community about the trajectory of their nation. Today, I am deeply concerned by the direction that my own country is headed, and Tulsi Gabbard exemplifies that.
The greatest struggle against the influence of Hindutva — a fascistic movement that has overwhelmed India — in the U.S. has failed. Hindutva is now in the innermost circles of the U.S. presidency.
As we are led by people who insist on putting “America First,” those same people have put into power figures who will destroy America.
As someone who intentionally made myself the most vocal opponent of Tulsi Gabbard since 2019, I am concerned but I am also doing what I can to watch my back. As a patriot, I am terrified by what her control of our nation’s intelligence means, especially when her oldest, biggest, most faithful political supporters are affiliates of the very same Hindutva movement that tried to murder American citizens on American soil. As a believer, I pledge to continue the struggle.
And as a realist, I have hope that President Trump’s habit of repeatedly turning his back on those who were once his closest allies will soon include Tulsi Gabbard.
(Pieter Friedrich is a freelance journalist)
