The danger is no longer in the future—it’s already here. As rituals replace reason, and holy men replace elected representatives in moral authority, India risks becoming a de facto Hindu nation in all but name.
India has long been a land of saints and sages—a civilization nurtured by its spiritual heritage. But today, the sacred and the secular are merging in unprecedented ways. Gurus, babas, sadhvis, and self-styled godmen—once relegated to the spiritual margins—have become central actors in the political theater of the world’s largest democracy.
No longer just spiritual guides, these religious figures now wield real influence over public policy, elections, state institutions, and even India’s international diplomacy. From the dusty ashrams of Uttar Pradesh to the plush auditoriums of Davos, India’s holy men and women are reshaping the contours of power.
Back in 2009, scholar Meera Nanda sounded the alarm in The God Market, warning that Hindu nationalism’s “tolerant façade” was cracking under the weight of growing intolerance cloaked in religiosity. Over a decade later, her warnings have proved eerily prescient.
From Ashrams to Assemblies: The Historical Arc
Religion and politics have always intersected in India, but the last three decades have seen that relationship transform into an institutionalized axis of power. In the 1970s, Swami Dhirendra Brahmachari’s influence over Indira Gandhi was well-known. But it was the 1990s Ram Janmabhoomi movement that marked a seismic shift.
Sadhvi Ritambhara, Uma Bharti, and other saffron-robed leaders emerged as the religious vanguard of an increasingly politicized Hindu nationalism. The campaign to build a Ram temple in Ayodhya was not just about reclaiming a religious site—it was about defining Indian identity in Hindu terms.
What followed was a surge in the visibility and power of godmen and godwomen. Liberalization, satellite TV, and later social media provided them platforms to build empires. Baba Ramdev turned yoga into a billion-dollar business and nationalist brand. Sri Sri Ravi Shankar exported “peace” and “well-being” while acquiring prime real estate from the state. Sadhguru Jaggi Vasudev reinvented mysticism as eco-conscious modernity. This was the birth of a new market—what Nanda aptly called “The God Market.”
The Political Power of Godman
Godmen today are more than spiritual advisors—they are kingmakers. Their massive followings are political capital, often mobilized to sway elections and public opinion. In return, they are offered state protection, land, and legitimacy.
The most striking case is that of Yogi Adityanath—a former mahant (head priest) of the Gorakhnath Math, now serving as the saffron-clad Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. His rise reflects a new archetype in Indian politics: the monk-politician. Adityanath’s rhetoric blends religious symbolism with hardline nationalism, making him a formidable figure both within and outside the BJP. Despite past criminal charges ranging from incitement to attempted murder, his ascent to power saw most cases against him quietly vanish.
Another key figure is Uma Bharti, who became the first sadhvi to head a state government in 2003 when she became Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. Though forced to resign over pending legal issues, she returned to national politics as a union minister, proving that saffron-robed politicians are no longer fringe—they are the mainstream.
The pantheon is ever-growing. Alongside established figures like Ramdev and Sri Sri, new spiritual celebrities have emerged:
- Dhirendra Shastri of Bageshwar Dham draws tens of thousands to his events, claiming supernatural powers and publicly blessing political leaders.
- Sadhvi Prachi, linked with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, regularly makes headlines for incendiary, ultra-nationalist speeches.
- Jaggi Vasudev (Sadhguru) mixes yoga and ecological activism with sharp political alignments—often soft-selling state narratives as spiritual truths.
- Swami Avdheshanand Giri of Juna Akhara plays a key mobilizing role in religious mega-events like the Kumbh Mela.
- Even controversial figures like Radhe Maa and Nirmal Baba have acquired cult-like followings. Meanwhile, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, despite being jailed for rape and murder, continues to influence politics in Haryana, Punjab, and Rajasthan—parties openly courted his support before elections.
This new crop of spiritual leaders is media-savvy, multilingual, and politically plugged in. Many enjoy celebrity status, giving interviews on primetime television, hobnobbing with politicians, and drawing larger crowds than mainstream political rallies.
The most disturbing trend is the seepage of Hindu rituals and symbolism into the core of India’s secular institutions. The line separating state and faith is no longer blurred—it is being actively erased.
In the Armed Forces, warships and aircraft are inaugurated with Vedic chants and coconut-breaking ceremonies. Senior officers, in full uniform, have been seen visiting ashrams and performing religious rituals.
In the Judiciary, judges—including those in the Supreme Court—have publicly participated in temple inaugurations and religious functions. In 2023, Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud hosted PM Modi for a Ganesh Puja at his residence, sparking concerns about impartiality.
In Education, BJP-ruled states have mandated rituals like Surya Namaskar, Vedic chants, and Sanskrit prayers in public schools, pushing a Hindu-centric cultural curriculum.
In Governance, state events increasingly begin with Hindu rituals. When PM Modi laid the foundation stone for the new Parliament building in 2020 and inaugurated it in 2023, the ceremonies were led exclusively by Hindu priests—no interfaith representation, no secular symbolism.
These acts are not symbolic anomalies—they represent a calculated positioning of Hinduism as the de facto national religion, in stark contrast to the constitutional promise of secularism.
The Triumph of Faith over Reason
India now boasts over 3.01 million places of worship—more than double the number of schools and nearly 40 times the number of hospitals. That statistic alone is staggering. The country has roughly one shrine for every 450 people, yet only 1.5 hospital beds per 1,000 people. The message is clear: while spiritual infrastructure flourishes, healthcare and education suffer.
Over 50% of domestic tourism is religious in nature. Temples, pilgrimages, and spiritual festivals dominate travel patterns. And yet, rationalist voices who question blind faith are marginalized, often at great personal risk.
Prominent rationalists and activists—Narendra Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, and M.M. Kalburgi—were assassinated in chillingly similar patterns, allegedly by extremist Hindutva groups. Their deaths underscored a rising tide of intolerance against those challenging superstition and theocratic dominance.
What we are witnessing is not just the rise of a few influential religious figures. It is the structural entrenchment of political Hinduism—a transformation of India’s secular democracy into a religio-political state.
The paradox is cruel: Hindu nationalism claims to be uniquely tolerant, yet its triumphalist form has fueled growing intolerance toward minorities, dissenters, and secular values. Victims of communal violence frequently find justice elusive. Critics of religious extremism are labeled anti-national or worse.
As Meera Nanda argues, the corporate-temple-state nexus is real—and growing. Religious organizations receive land, tax exemptions, media amplification, and legal immunity in ways no secular entity can rival. Hindu religiosity is now part of the “official culture,” often even in states where the BJP is not in power.
India today stands at a profound crossroads. The rise of godmen and sadhvis is not simply a cultural trend—it’s a redefinition of what the Indian state stands for.
The critical questions are not just legal or political—they are civilizational:
Can the constitutional ideal of secularism survive in a country where religious symbolism dominates public life?
Can rationalist thought and scientific temper find space in a society overwhelmed by spiritual consumerism?
Can social justice movements take on not only caste and class hierarchies but also the growing hold of blind religiosity on the popular imagination?
These are not abstract questions. The answers will shape India’s future—whether it remains a secular, pluralist democracy or slides into a soft theocracy powered by saffron robes and loudspeakers.
The danger is no longer in the future—it’s already here. As rituals replace reason, and holy men replace elected representatives in moral authority, India risks becoming a de facto Hindu nation in all but name.
This is not about religion versus irreligion. It is about power masquerading as piety. It is about a state that now bends before spiritual entrepreneurs while rational voices are silenced, exiled—or worse.
India’s battle today is not just political—it is a battle of ideas, of what kind of republic the nation wants to be. And whether that republic still has room for dissent, diversity, and democracy.
If not, the gods may indeed have won—but the people may have lost the Republic.
References Used:
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- Malhotra, Inder (2001). Indira Gandhi: A political biography. Penguin Books.
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- Nanda, Meera (2009). The god market: How globalization is making India more Hindu. Random House India.
- The Hindu. (2005, February 14). Art of Living ashram given 99 acres of land. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com
- The Print. (2023, January 25). Bageshwar Dham’s Dhirendra Shastri and the politics of faith. The Print. https://theprint.in
- Times of India. (2020, March 2). Sadhguru on nationalism, ecology and spirituality. The Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com
- The Wire. (2019, October 5). Should judges attend religious ceremonies? The Wire. https://thewire.in
(Dave Makkar is a social activist. He can be reached at davemakkar@yahoo.com)
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